VI, pp. Guy’s desperate attack on Grimaldi’s galley could have turned the fortunes of the battle if it had succeeded. A. de Selincourt, ed. 97–9. 31 S. Rose, ‘Bayonne and the King’s ships, 1204–1420’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 86, 2000, pp. Pryor, Geography, Technology and War, pp. Despite the increasingly threatening situation in the Channel the Crown had turned decisively away from the ownership and maintenance of ships 18 D O C K YA R D S A N D A D M I N I S T R AT I O N on its own behalf, a situation which did not begin to change materially until the accession of Henry VII. 8, vols 11 and 12, section de philologie et d’histoire jusqu’á 1610, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, 1977–8. 185–6. Despite the fact that this was an area with an active seafaring tradition and some excellent harbours, the origins of the royal Castillian navy are traced to the campaign to recapture Seville from the Moors led by Ferdinand III in 1247–8. Among them was the Christopher, the pride of the English fleet. Greek fire was unknown in the north, nor are there references to the other possible uses of fire as a weapon at sea in, for example, the Heimskringla. In the next four summers, 1417–20, English naval activity in the Channel was well organised, purposeful and clearly directed at supporting the king’s campaigns on land. Hewitt, H.J., The Organisation of War under Edward III, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1966. The fourteenth century, therefore, displays all the characteristics of naval warfare in northern waters with which we have become familiar from earlier times. This would seem to describe not ‘bridling’ but a situation where his galleys under oars had failed to keep sufficiently far from each other and had ended up tangled one with another; not a situation that reflects well on individual galley masters but one which 50 C H R I S T I A N S, M U S L I M S A N D C RU S A D E R S could easily arise in the confusion of battle with the crew exposed to showers of crossbow bolts and flaming arrows.69 Even if one does not accord Lauria quite such extravagant praise for his skills as a fleet commander as Pryor, it is nevertheless clear that this series of battles reveals the use which could be made of sea power at this time.70 In suitable circumstances the possession of a fleet could be of considerable strategic importance especially where the lines of communication between a land army and its base were vulnerable to attack from the sea. An expedition must also be well disciplined and well commanded. This fleet faced considerable initial difficulties in assembling all its forces. As he pointed out, it was too late to build a navy when the enemy was at sea. He may still have had some vessels of his own; on his flight from England, after the failure of his intrigues on behalf of the Duke of Clarence, pursued by Lord Howard, he had taken prizes from the Burgundians.43 He could not, however from his own resources hope to mount an invasion of England to restore his new master Henry VI. Sometimes a term for a ship type has been replaced by another term; for example, the Scandinavian knörr, which evolved in England into the Anglo- Norman buss. Roll 3. As expeditions to suppress robbery at sea these were futile. Unger has argued in an article first published in Technology and Culture that it was the ‘advances in ship design’ between c.1000 and 1500 which were ‘the principal force in dictating the pattern of development in naval administration’.75 The key factor was the increasing extent to which warships could be clearly differentiated from merchant ships, something associated with the placing of heavy ‘shipkilling’ guns on board warships. Clearly Southampton could be called the base for the royal ships but nothing like the arsenals of the Mediterranean or even the Clos des galées at Rouen existed. Even if the number of vessels built there for the French Crown was small, they were in the main vessels intended primarily for war 61 M E D I E V A L N AVA L WA R F A R E , 1 0 0 0 – 1 5 0 0 and thus signified a new acceptance of the importance of sea power. B.G. Although the hulls were constructed in a different manner and square sails were raised on the single mast, these were long ships in name and in nature. 78–82. Fernandez Duro, C., La Marina de Castilla desde su origen y pugna con la de Inglaterra hasta la refundición en la Armada española, Madrid, 1894. Ferrer I Mallol, M.T., ‘Els corsaris Castellans i la campanya de Pero Niño al Mediterrani (1404)’, Anuario de estudios medievales, 5, 1968. Kingsford, op. The quartermaster seized the muster roll from the ship’s clerk and threatened to throw it into the sea. Venice benefited from extending her rule over coastal towns which sought her protection rather than that of the declining Empire. Indeed, in many cases, collateral evidence suggests that their use of them was no more specific than is that of “yacht” in our own time: a term which began with a specific reference to a seventeenth-century Dutch ship but which has since been applied to almost any kind of sailing pleasure craft. cit., p. 77. At sea, the succession of the dromon to the Roman bireme liburna and its predecessors, especially the Greek trieres, has been presented in the conventional historiography of the maritime history of the Mediterranean as marking a transition from Rome to Byzantium. This makes for dramatic reading, as does the rather similar account of the actions of the Prince of Wales.30 However, the particulars in the account of William Clewer, the clerk of the king’s ships, note when the ships’ crews went on ‘war’ wages for what is called the voyage against the Spaniards. Burns, R.I., ‘Piracy as an Islamic–Christian interface in the thirteenth century’, Viator, 11, 1980. 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